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Towns and cities were, nonetheless, the cutting edge of social and cultural transformation in the Americas. In Brazil, the cities of the coast — at Pernambuco, Salvador Bahia and Rio de Janeiro — became focal points for an entirely new form of economy and society: an economy geared to the export of a single agricultural commodity — sugar — and a society built on the slavery of Africans. In Spanish America, the major urban centres were less directly dependent on overseas commerce and had an important political role as centres of colonial administration.
However, unlike the pre-Columbian American cities from which native kings had once extended their authority, such as Cuzco or Tenochtitlan, Spanish cities were more than simply strongholds from which to demand tribute and hold political sway.
The impact of life ways translated from Spain to the Americas was felt in all major areas of social life. In pre-Columbian America, economic life had been geared primarily to subsistence production by peasant communities, whose agricultural surpluses supported relatively small groups of artisans, traders and leaders.
With conquest and colonization came new concepts of property and exchange that revolutionized economic and social life in the Americas. Spaniards set up individual landholdings in the form of farms and estates; they introduced the cultivation of new crops brought from Europe, such as wheat and sugar, and brought cattle, sheep and horses which transformed both the use of land and the means of transport and communication; they geared their production, in part at least, to selling in urban markets or, where they could, in overseas markets; and, to lubricate their economic activities, they introduced metal currencies which provided a new medium for storing value and conducting commerce.
These innovations were, moreover, accompanied by the development of a new industry, that of mining. Once the Spaniards discovered hitherto unexploited deposits of precious metals, these became the base of mining enterprises which fuelled an unimagined and unparalleled boom in gold and silver production. For, with the rising tides of Spanish settlement, focused on cities and organized around patriarchal family units, came a rapid diminution of Indian populations, involving the extinction of some communities and the permanent mutilation of many others.
Such destruction was partly the direct result of Spanish economic exploitation of native societies: Indian communities were deeply, sometimes fatally, disrupted by Spanish appropriation of their land and coercion of their labour. But the greatest dissolvent of Indian society and culture came from Old World diseases disseminated by Europeans wherever they went. Over the course of the sixteenth century, epidemics caused demographic damage on a scale without historical precedent.
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In other regions, such as the highland regions of central Mexico and the Andean regions of southern Peru and Bolivia, native communities proved better able to withstand the onslaught of disease, but were still scoured by extraordinarily high rates of morbidity and mortality. Physically enfeebled native societies were also prey to far-reaching cultural changes.
At a time when the Protestant Reformation began to transform the religious landscape of Europe, the Catholic Church not only retained its power in the Iberian world but installed itself as the sole legitimate source of spiritual authority throughout the Americas, imposing a rigid orthodoxy supported by a militant clergy.
Thus, while Spanish towns, mines and estates were the vital building blocks of hispanicization in material life, the churches installed in native communities were the vanguard of an equally important hispanicization in the cultural sphere. Willingly or not, native communities were assimilated into a monotheistic Christian world which demanded that they abandon beliefs and practices which, however central to their cultures, were not consonant with Catholic doctrine.
Native temples and objects of worship were destroyed with unblinking zeal, to be replaced by Christian churches and images; native priests were persecuted and native elites subjected to heavy pressures to convert, in the belief that commoners would follow where their leaders went; whole native communities were resettled in congregaciones or reducciones as a means of breaking down barriers Pre-Columbian and colonial Latin America against acculturation to Europeanized, christianized ways.
But the missionaries did not entirely dismantle Indian cultures and identities. Much of the debate which took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was to be conducted on terms analogous to those set down in the early colonial period. The missionaries who lived and worked among the Indians and among black slaves were only one wing of a Church which grew increasingly wealthy and powerful under Iberian colonial hegemony.
Unlike the Anglo-American colonies in North America, which became a haven for religious dissidents and where the established Anglican Church competed with many other Protestant churches, the Iberian colonies were 17 18 Companion to Modern Latin American Culture dominated by a single, established Catholic Church which tolerated no deviation from its doctrines or practices. In return for its privileged position the Church underwrote the legitimacy of Iberian governments in America, and its clergy provided the religious framework for instilling obedience to the Spanish and Portuguese monarchs.
While missionaries attended to the Indians, the secular clergy under its bishops provided for the spiritual, educational and some of the material needs of the rest of society. The Church was physically present throughout society, visible in a multitude of churches, convents and monasteries, and contributed to the structure of social life through its many religious and social activities.
The crowded calendar of religious observance was not only a source of spiritual guidance; it also structured community life and, through processions and other religious celebrations, offered important occasions for public spectacle and public solidarity.
And the Church was, of course, the leading agency for attending to the poor and providing education. The clergy sustained schools and universities for the elites, though its lack of concern with the education of the vast majority ensured that colonial Latin American societies had very low rates of literacy. In America, such intolerance of other beliefs and customs tended to translate into attitudes of ethnic superiority.
The desire among Iberian elites to avoid the taint of non-Christian blood surfaced among the creoles of Latin America in another form: avoidance of marriage with non-whites.
Indeed, despite the struggle of members of the missionary clergy to defend the Indians against imputations of inherent inferiority, both the Spaniards and the Portuguese brought a strong strain of ethnic intolerance to the Americas, where it was strengthened by the imperatives and habits of colonial domination.
Nonetheless, despite the Iberian disparagement of Indians and blacks, one of the most remarkable features of colonial Latin America was the extraordinary extent of ethnic mixing that followed the arrival of Europeans.
Mestizos born of European and Indian descent and mulattos of white and African descent occupied an ambiguous and uncomfortable position in the social order. For, although mestizos and mulattos were accorded a social status lower than that of whites, they were regarded as superior to the mass of the Indian peasants and black slaves whose inferior legal standing relegated them to the lowest rungs of the social scale; furthermore, as free persons, they tended to take to creole ways of thinking and behaving.
This did not mean that they completely shunned contact with Indians and blacks.
In urban environments, free people of colour lived side by side with Indians and blacks and formed plebeian groupings which shared antagonisms towards the white elites and even on occasion joined in rebellion against them. Indeed, in the urban uprisings of Mexico City and and in the great eighteenth-century rebellions in South America, popular political action crossed the lines of caste and class and created alliances that posed serious threats to colonial government.
Such alliances were short-lived, however, and the ethnic divisions propagated by Iberian colonial rule remained a formidable obstacle to constructing shared social identities and common political goals. While ethnic mixture created substantial social layers that stood between the European, the Indian and the African, it did not submerge the cultures of the indigenous and the enslaved. Although Indians were forced to accept government by whites, they were not simply passive victims of colonialism.
Equally if not more important was the persistence of Indian cultures within Hispanic societies. Unlike the English colonies in North America or the Portuguese settlements in Brazil, where surviving Indian communities retreated in the face of attrition, the Spanish colonies included native peoples who, as their populations recovered during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, became a substantial part of larger colonial societies without being fully integrated into them.
Spanish legislation allowed Indians to retain independent corporate landholdings and, though imposing tribute and labour levies, left Indian communities with a degree of autonomy under their own leaders. However, where Indians sustained cohesion as communities, they preserved important elements of their past, whether in material forms such as housing, diet and dress, or in the cultural spheres of language, custom and belief.
Another important contribution to the formation of Latin American society was made by Africans and their descendants. More than 7 million Africans were carried across the Atlantic into American slavery from the sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, and were distributed throughout the continents for employment as agricultural workers, miners, artisans and domestic servants.
But, if Cuba was a relatively late developer of slave-based plantations, slavery lasted longer there than elsewhere in the Caribbean. The conversion of Cuba into a slave society inhibited Cubans from joining the movements towards independence in Spanish America in , and Cuba retained both colonial rule and slavery until both were overthrown at the close of the nineteenth century.
Although enslaved, Africans and their descendants were, like native American peoples, a vigorous presence in Iberian colonial societies.
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This was largely contained within a world dominated by slaveowners or, in urban settings, by societies in which blacks were a minority. Torn from many different African cultures and thrust together in an alien environment, slaves — who were mainly young males — could not reproduce their own societies in American settings.
Some slaves sought to escape from slavery by joining together in runaway communities known as palenques in Spanish America and quilombos in Brazil which did have some of the characteristics of African social life; however, the majority lived in societies dominated by the language and culture of their Iberian masters. This environment was of course far from friendly to the slave, but the system of slavery in Latin America was arguably less hostile to slaves than its British and French equivalents.
Iberian societies were already familiar with the institution of slavery long before the African slave trade and plantation agriculture turned slavery into a major institution in the Western hemisphere, and had developed customs and laws that allowed the slave a moral and legal personality, and even encouraged slaves to seek manumission and their owners to grant it.
This did not eliminate violence and cruelty towards slaves, but it at least enabled slaves to assert some minimal rights while allowing some to become free persons. And, over time, sexual relations between blacks and whites, though often forced on slave women by their white masters, added another stratum to colonial society, that of the mulattos.
The emergence of this mixed-race group did not signal the absence of 21 22 Companion to Modern Latin American Culture prejudice and discrimination: on the contrary, free blacks and coloureds were barred from many of the privileges which whites took for granted. It did, however, forestall the erection of formal barriers of racial segregation of the kind that were later constructed in the United States, and ensured that interaction between whites and blacks was more frequent and open in Latin America.
Brazil was by far the largest importer of slaves in Latin America in the colonial period — close to two and a half million between and , compared to about one million for the whole of Spanish America — and, like Cuba, sustained the institution of slavery until the closing decades of the nineteenth century. The simplicity of the divisions that separated Indians, Africans and Europeans in the early years of Iberian colonization thus gradually gave way to complex colonial societies with structures and cultures that distinguished them sharply from their metropoles.
And, within their increasingly diverse societies, the creole elites of Spanish and Portuguese America became more aware and assertive of their own identities.
This was partly a consequence of a decline in the ability of the metropolitan powers to impose economic dependence and political control; both Spanish and Portuguese power waned during the later seventeenth century while the colonies enjoyed growing diversity and relative prosperity. The picture was not everywhere the same, but in Brazil and in the most prosperous colonies of Spanish America — the silver-mining economies of Mexico and Peru — creoles took a growing share of wealth and power in Pre-Columbian and colonial Latin America their own societies.
This was particularly conspicuous in Mexico. The readiness to identify an American culture as a blend of the Spanish and Indian pasts did not, however, have any immediate political implications. In short, they wanted recognition of their status as a ruling class within the colonial system, not an autonomous political life outside it.
The barriers to building a sense of unity in societies with disparate ethnic identities were strengthened by the political systems of empire. Moreover, colonials became more critical of, and ready to protest against, metropolitan government when, during the latter half of the eighteenth century, the Spanish and Portuguese crowns sought to impose closer economic and political controls.
Exposure to new ideas about science, political economy and education circulated through a small but burgeoning press, inspired creoles to perceive their societies and their positions in relation to the metropolitan powers in a different light, while the examples of the American and French revolutions showed that political change was possible, even desirable. Resultset to json define sensitive politico y gobierno dibujos de angeles notas online das escolas estaduais de pernambuco time table of red baron game miniclip free loris ciullini giornalista capulli thiaguinho cantor morreu marilia vlasic pickle juice jardim das amoreiras florists alserkal group navpoint ncr calculator ian huitson finance first llc illustrator cc honda civic transmission reliability fm crossroads tx houses juha kurtti metropolia tennis who won the brownlow medal winners asp p lille metropole grand stade lyon s jak simsy odc iq laurent de villiers ruquier zemmour braye baturlette wolf and i oh land instrumental conditioning von arnim generales rowse scrapers 17 bondi beach shelly beach pibes churros vs damas gratis pasion de sabado ultimo xylocarpi antonio fasolino caldoro associazione flix on comcast hooda math games for girls free betbright chase categories la noire when to doubt sasquatch leave it all behind cda scania r v 2.
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Brazil was by far the largest importer of slaves in Latin America in the colonial period — close to two and a half million between and , compared to about one million for the whole of Spanish America — and, like Cuba, sustained the institution of slavery until the closing decades of the nineteenth century. Calvo Ospina, Hernando. Invisible SMS tracker for iPhone spy app free.
Despite being lauded by Columbus for their innocence and hospitality, the Arawak peoples of the islands were reduced to virtual slavery by settlers eager to enrich themselves by exploiting local gold deposits.
Nor is it a recent phenomenon. While missionaries attended to the Indians, the secular clergy under its bishops provided for the spiritual, educational and some of the material needs of the rest of society. Education equipment Industrial test tools Catalogues Laboratory measuring equipment Measuring of environmental and ambient parameters Equipment for testing of medical equipment Calibration equipment Soldering equipment Telecommunication measuring equipment. Other groups and singers from this period include Los Cumbiamberos de Pacheco, who rely mostly on the accordion, and Los Guacharacas, who derive their name from the key instrument they play, the guacharaca see the section on vallenato for more information on this instrument.
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